CUNY is one of the main providers of public education in NYC, and its main attraction is its
ability to work with federal and state funding in order to provide affordable education to multiple
levels of socio-economic status. Cutting 30% of funding will raise tuition, alter financial aid qualifications, decrease quality of education (bigger classes, less professors), and another year of
severely underpaid faculty members.
CUNY has a renowned trajectory producing professionals of the first level and driven
individuals that contribute to the city they live in. Students are registering and applying at an exponential rate, and CUNY would need a great contribution from the state in order to facilitate the upcoming applicants and to successfully develop a plan of action to properly compensate faculty members (tenure and adjunct). This is especially important because we have an opportunity to help fight for funding in a system that may potentially educate our children, nieces, nephews and grandchildren as well. CUNY has stepped up and continued forging forward during turbulent political and social times, and taking a look at its history has allowed us to see how others have fought for CUNY by going against those that are keeping it from what it could be.
The City University of New York (CUNY) began as a Free Academy founded in 1847. During first ceremony of the Free Academy, the president claimed this mission statement: “The experiment is to be tried whether the highest education can be given to the masses; whether the children of the people, the children of the whole people, can be educated; and whether an institution of learning of the highest grade can be successfully controlled by the popular will, not by the privileged few, but by the privileged many.” The CUNY institution has been committed to provide students with valuable education and advocating for upward mobility since its inception. For the first time, women, veterans, African Americans and Latinos had some tangible opportunities to access job training and certificates, opportunities to accomplish their associate/bachelor/master degrees, and to pursue the career paths that would help transform their lives. Those students overcame many economic, social and cultural hardships in order to attend college, yet they succeeded in graduating from CUNY because it offered free higher education. One of the most salient features of CUNY was that after graduation its alumni would increase their annual income, access better jobs, housing and medical care. The state implemented CUNY as a tool to support minorities so they could improve their lives (McGuire Esq., 1992).
individuals that contribute to the city they live in. Students are registering and applying at an exponential rate, and CUNY would need a great contribution from the state in order to facilitate the upcoming applicants and to successfully develop a plan of action to properly compensate faculty members (tenure and adjunct). This is especially important because we have an opportunity to help fight for funding in a system that may potentially educate our children, nieces, nephews and grandchildren as well. CUNY has stepped up and continued forging forward during turbulent political and social times, and taking a look at its history has allowed us to see how others have fought for CUNY by going against those that are keeping it from what it could be.
The City University of New York (CUNY) began as a Free Academy founded in 1847. During first ceremony of the Free Academy, the president claimed this mission statement: “The experiment is to be tried whether the highest education can be given to the masses; whether the children of the people, the children of the whole people, can be educated; and whether an institution of learning of the highest grade can be successfully controlled by the popular will, not by the privileged few, but by the privileged many.” The CUNY institution has been committed to provide students with valuable education and advocating for upward mobility since its inception. For the first time, women, veterans, African Americans and Latinos had some tangible opportunities to access job training and certificates, opportunities to accomplish their associate/bachelor/master degrees, and to pursue the career paths that would help transform their lives. Those students overcame many economic, social and cultural hardships in order to attend college, yet they succeeded in graduating from CUNY because it offered free higher education. One of the most salient features of CUNY was that after graduation its alumni would increase their annual income, access better jobs, housing and medical care. The state implemented CUNY as a tool to support minorities so they could improve their lives (McGuire Esq., 1992).
As time passed, the CUNY system grew and it became more lenient to capital gain because of
the abundance of students who decided to join the academic community. This is where issues
become interesting, because CUNY begins to operate under capitalist agendas somewhat
contradictory of the first official statement from CUNY, back when it was free. City College was
the first established institution of CUNY, following Hunter, Brooklyn, Queens, Kingsborough,
and so on. The Free Academy program, which was intended to serve "the children of the whole
people" wasn't actually providing access to the Universities to everyone. One of the requirements
was a High School diploma for the free admission, and of course many minorities were not
offered the right resources in High School to complete and move on to the higher education.
Offering information to such resources, especially free resources, wasn't actually given, rather
secretly dispersed. Considering that higher education is part of class mobility, of course
communities of lower class fought for their rights to become educated (McGuire Esq., 1992).
Student activism has always been a part of CUNY, before and after Free Admission. During the 1930's and 40's, the CUNY system held as a hub for socialist and communist interest. Interestingly enough, Open Admissions was offered post-Civil Rights and liberation struggles. It wasn't given out of the kindness of CUNY's heart, but from the fear of radical movements becoming more radical, and causing rapid change to the system. Intense struggle emerged in which large numbers of students were drawn into action and became a force to be reckoned with (Traub, James, 1994).
Indeed, the people who were and continue to be responsible as to how programs, budgets, and jobs are implemented are the Governor, the Mayor, the State Legislature, the City Council, and the Board of Trustees. In recent years, this responsibility has leaned towards the Board of Trustees (who decide how much they get paid, and how many budget cuts are taken). The "Fiscal Crisis" which began in 1975, was the reasoning used for bringing back tuition, and obviously resulting in changes of the Open Admission policy.
From 1989-to-1991, there was CUNY-wide strikes against the proposed tuition hikes and budget cuts. Protest continued in 1995, against tuition increases and budget cuts, which eliminated remedial classes in Senior Colleges, and eliminating Open Admissions. These conflicts brought up a wave of Leftist student activism, especially in the 1960's. Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) were one of the major leftist organization's originating in CUNY.
Student activism has always been a part of CUNY, before and after Free Admission. During the 1930's and 40's, the CUNY system held as a hub for socialist and communist interest. Interestingly enough, Open Admissions was offered post-Civil Rights and liberation struggles. It wasn't given out of the kindness of CUNY's heart, but from the fear of radical movements becoming more radical, and causing rapid change to the system. Intense struggle emerged in which large numbers of students were drawn into action and became a force to be reckoned with (Traub, James, 1994).
Indeed, the people who were and continue to be responsible as to how programs, budgets, and jobs are implemented are the Governor, the Mayor, the State Legislature, the City Council, and the Board of Trustees. In recent years, this responsibility has leaned towards the Board of Trustees (who decide how much they get paid, and how many budget cuts are taken). The "Fiscal Crisis" which began in 1975, was the reasoning used for bringing back tuition, and obviously resulting in changes of the Open Admission policy.
From 1989-to-1991, there was CUNY-wide strikes against the proposed tuition hikes and budget cuts. Protest continued in 1995, against tuition increases and budget cuts, which eliminated remedial classes in Senior Colleges, and eliminating Open Admissions. These conflicts brought up a wave of Leftist student activism, especially in the 1960's. Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) were one of the major leftist organization's originating in CUNY.
The first chapter was established at Brooklyn College in 1960. The SDS organized nationwide
actions against the provision of class rankings to the selective service system. CUNY students
participated in all the national and city-wide protests against the Vietnam War, and draft cards,
but not all CUNY-students participated in protest against the war (Sale, Kirkpatrick, 1973).
Another great example of student activism are the Black and Puerto Rican students, whom after much time and protest for equal opportunities in education and resources, were able to help create a studies department of their own. The Black and Puerto Rican Studies Department was eventually implemented, due through the constant protest and civil engagement of different communities in the city. The imagined thought of obtaining gains through struggle, has been motioned by oppressed people everywhere. Domestic and international events fed on each other, and were spoken through activism in the CUNY community. This raised the general level of political consciousness and willingness to engage in struggle on the side of oppressed people. The Young Lords and Black Panther Party helped organized militant forces to cause urban rebellions. What college students couldn't cover with sit-ins and freedom rides, radical groups like the Young Lords were able to accomplish physical action. Both played a role to activate change (Dyer, Conrad M., 1990).
Nowadays, students are being challenged to organized since the CUNY budget is being revised by the New York State Assembly and the Governor Cuomo has proposed some cuts to its funding; Therefore, we want to express our discontent and take immediate action on this issue. By cutting the financial support to public education, the state is turning its back to some sectors of society which need financial assistance and encouragement to continue towards higher education. This issue concerns all New Yorkers because the future of the city and its constituents would be impacted by the decisions on public education. We believe that people should have equal opportunity of intellectual development no matter their socioeconomic status. Therefore, we want to spread the word and raise consciousness among our peers, professors, families, and friends and in our communities because our goal is to ensure that we and future generations would access quality and affordable public education. It is imperative for our city to integrate immigrants, minority groups and underrepresented communities into mainstream society.
Excerpt from Project Paper Two, CUNYFunding Group. Authors: Alile Copper, Axel Owen, George Trivino, Fabiana Grosso, Mario Lozano.
Photo Credit: Fabiana Grosso
Another great example of student activism are the Black and Puerto Rican students, whom after much time and protest for equal opportunities in education and resources, were able to help create a studies department of their own. The Black and Puerto Rican Studies Department was eventually implemented, due through the constant protest and civil engagement of different communities in the city. The imagined thought of obtaining gains through struggle, has been motioned by oppressed people everywhere. Domestic and international events fed on each other, and were spoken through activism in the CUNY community. This raised the general level of political consciousness and willingness to engage in struggle on the side of oppressed people. The Young Lords and Black Panther Party helped organized militant forces to cause urban rebellions. What college students couldn't cover with sit-ins and freedom rides, radical groups like the Young Lords were able to accomplish physical action. Both played a role to activate change (Dyer, Conrad M., 1990).
Nowadays, students are being challenged to organized since the CUNY budget is being revised by the New York State Assembly and the Governor Cuomo has proposed some cuts to its funding; Therefore, we want to express our discontent and take immediate action on this issue. By cutting the financial support to public education, the state is turning its back to some sectors of society which need financial assistance and encouragement to continue towards higher education. This issue concerns all New Yorkers because the future of the city and its constituents would be impacted by the decisions on public education. We believe that people should have equal opportunity of intellectual development no matter their socioeconomic status. Therefore, we want to spread the word and raise consciousness among our peers, professors, families, and friends and in our communities because our goal is to ensure that we and future generations would access quality and affordable public education. It is imperative for our city to integrate immigrants, minority groups and underrepresented communities into mainstream society.
Excerpt from Project Paper Two, CUNYFunding Group. Authors: Alile Copper, Axel Owen, George Trivino, Fabiana Grosso, Mario Lozano.
Photo Credit: Fabiana Grosso
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